In continuation of information sharing about Khat, the following paragraphs focus on cultivation, mode of consumption  and the global levels of demand for this plant substance of abuse. As always your feedback and comments are most welcomed.

Where is Khat cultivated?

The Catha edulis plant, or Khat is a member of the Celastraceae, which includes about 350 species of trees and shrubs in 15 genera, and grows wild, but often cultivated, in the east of a region extending from Yemen in the Arabian Peninsula to much of eastern and southern Africa. It also grows in Uganda, Tanzania, and Madagascar. In central Asia the plant largely grows in the wild and its distribution extends as far as Afghanistan and Turkistan. It grows at an altitude of 1670-2600 meters adapting to a range of soil and climatic conditions. Khat tree is hardly ever affected by diseases, takes two years to be ready for harvest and can live up to 75-100 years (Kennedy et al., 1983). Figure 1 shows a map of  the geographical area of the Khat-belt countries from Yemen across the Red Sea to eastern Africa. In Kenya it grows well on fairly moist slopes of between 1220-2750 meters on Nyambene Hills, in the northeast of Mount Kenya (Carrier, 2005). In Ethiopia it is farmed in almost every region, although traditionally cultivation was confined to Harerghe area in eastern Ethiopia (Lamessa, 2001) and on either semi-humid lowlands or lower highland forests 1400-2000 meters above sea level. In Yemen it is cultivated all over the country in mountainous and flat lands but not in coastal area with hot climate (Al-Motarreb et al., 2002). Although several varieties are cultivated within each of the khat-belt countries, the varieties grown in different cultivation areas with different climate conditions differ in appearance; in the colour of the leaves and twigs that is either red or green; in the length of the twig (Geisshusler and Brenneisen, 1987a) and in the size of the leaves as well as in taste (Al-Motarreb et al., 2002).

Figure 1

Figure 2

The Kenyan type, the Mira (Figure 2) appears to be generally shorter with slender and softer twigs. The leaves are also smaller and softer than the Herari type (Figure 3), from Ethiopia, which often has a bigger twig size and larger, slightly leathery, leaves.

Figure 3

Khat is harvested in the same way regardless of type or growing location. During harvesting only young shoots (stems and leaves) are picked then bundled together (200-300 grams equivalent to 20-30 stems) and wrapped in green, dry banana leaves. This is done in order to preserve freshness while the plant is en route to the market destination. 

How is Khat used?

The commonest mode of administration is by chewing the plant through mastication, with some buccolingual absorption of active material. However, in countries where Khat is illegal, e.g. USA a dried or a freeze-dried form of the plant known otherwise as garaabo is used. Garaabo is boiled and the resulting infusion is used as a tea. Flowers are also used among Khat users to prepare a tea with stimulating properties (Krizevski et al., 2007). Khat chewing involves picking leaves (one by one) from each twig and chewing them thoroughly, while the juice extracted is swallowed. Altogether, each person takes some 200 to 400g of the leaves; with young leaves being most favoured, mainly because they are more potent, but also because they are tenderer to chew. When chewing, the macerated quid material is pushed back and kept in the cheek as a bolus that is later spat out. During the session, the group may smoke from water pipes or smoke cigarettes and there is usually a generous supply of beverages. The gathering context, place and the time for the actual slow consumption by chewing is known as a Khat session and can last between 3-24 hours. Drinking hot tea or soft drinks, all belong to the complex ritual of a Khat chewing setting (Nencini et al.,1986). Another feature of this ritual that is common involves the shutting of all windows to exclude draughts and increase temperature in the room where Khat is being chewed, in order to speed up optimum stimulant effect. Furthermore, as the plant is used in its natural form without processing, it is almost exclusively required to be used fresh for an optimum stimulating effect. It is usually not considered acceptable if harvested more than 3 days before use because the leaves and soft shoots, which are the parts used, lose their potency. For these reasons Khat consumption in the past was limited to areas close to where it's grown. Hence when it was not available beyond the geographical cultivation areas, its use was unknown in the global markets. It was only since late 1980s and with the advent of rapid air transport coupled with network of distribution facilities that fresh Khat became available in distant places such Europe and North America (Kalix, 1991). 

What is the level of global consumption?

It is estimated that over 20 million people (Saha and Dollery, 2006) chew Khat in the world today, while its consumption is not only increasing but also rapidly spreading (Kalix, 1992) across continents to Europe (Nencini and Ahmed, 1989), Australia (Jager and Sireling, 1994), USA and Canada. Following the migration in the last two decades of communities originating from war-torn areas of the Horn of Africa, Khat has become a widely available commodity in the West. Levels of Khat use in cultivating countries are said to be comparable. In Somalia a large survey found 31% of respondents admitting current use, in Ethiopia this was 50%, and in Yemen 82% of men and 43% of women (ACMD report 2005). However there are variations in cultural attitudes towards usage, even among the two major Khat consumer societies; the Somalis and the Yemenis, where Khat use is culturally sanctioned and common practice. Nonetheless use has been evolving along with the dynamics in societal psychosocial changes. For the Yemenis, Khat consumption is a deeply rooted tradition. A recent large survey of 2500 people estimated current adult users in Yemen at 61.1% of total population (Ali et al.,2004). In comparison, for Somalis, habitual Khat use is fairly new and has only been developed as rapid cultural phenomena, growing out of urban communities in the 1970s, and later, as a result of the civil war of the 1990s, spiraled into deviant patterns of misuse.

Reference list

ACMD (Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs): Report on Khat (Qat): Assessment of Risk to the Individual and Communities in the UK. Home Office Publications 2005

Ali AA, Al-Sharabi AK, Aguirre JM, Nahas R (2004) A study of 342 oral keratotic white lesions induced by qat chewing among 2500 Yemeni. Journal of Oral Pathology and Medicine 33: 368-372

Al-Motarreb A, Baker K, Broadley KJ (2002) Khat: pharmacological and medical aspects and its social use in Yemen. Phytother Res 16: 403-413

Geisshusler S, Brenneisen R (1987a) The content of psychoactive phenylpropyl and phenylpentenyl khatamines in Catha edulis Forsk. of different origin. J Ethnopharmacol 19: 269-277

Jager AD, Sireling L (1994) Natural history of khat psychosis. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 28: 331-332

Kennedy JG, Teague J, Rokaw W, Cooney E (1983) A medical evaluation of the use of qat in North Yemen. Social Science and Medicine 17: 783-793

Kalix P (1991) The pharmacology of psychoactive alkaloids from ephedra and catha. J Ethnopharmacol 32: 201-208

Kalix P (1992) Chewing khat, an old drug habit that is new in Europe. International Journal of Risk and Safety in Medicine 3: 143-156

Krizevski R, Dudai N, Bar E, Lewinsohn E (2007) Developmental patterns of phenylpropylamino alkaloids accumulation in khat (Catha edulis, Forsk.). Journal of Ethnopharmacology 114: 432-438

Lamessa D: Khat (Catha edulis) Botany, Distribution, Cultivation, Usage and Economics in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 2001.

Nencini P, Ahmed AM, Elmi AS (1986) Subjective effects of Khat chewing in humans. Drug and Alcohol Dependence 18: 97-105

Nencini P, Ahmed AM (1989) Khat consumption: A pharmacological review. Drug and Alcohol Dependence 23: 19-29

Saha S, Dollery C (2006) Severe ischaemic cardiomyopathy associated with khat chewing. J R Soc Med 99: 316-318

       

                                                                                           

This blog first started when I was living in the USA back in 2009 and in order to revamp the purpose for which it was created the last two recent posts were revised versions of old posts to attract more comments. However since the use of Khat (Catha edulis) is surrounded with so much controversy particularly in the UK where it is not illegal like many other countries in Europe; the focus will be more on the social and scientific aspects of its use (or habitual use) as well as the evolving issues and discussions around its legality. In the coming months I will be posting reviews as well as opinions around this plant. I appreciate your comments and presence here.

1. Brief history of Khat

 Since time immemorial humans have sought the use of drugs for inducing pleasurable feelings as well as for altering mood and treating sickness; indeed many drugs that are abused either produce feelings of well being and euphoria or reduce the aversiveness of the perceived environment. Stimulant drugs including cocaine and amphetamine are but two examples among the variety of drugs within this group, while cannabis and heroin are popular candidates in the latter classification. Cocaine, heroin and cannabis are all well known drugs of natural origin that have crossed continents and transcended different cultures for centuries. Out of the many old World plants Khat, which is the general name given to describe the variety of Catha edulis plant the leaves of which are chewed for their pleasurable stimulant effect; has been historically fairly unknown outside of the area of its original habitat.

There is much speculation about the early history of the plant. Al-Hebshi and Skaug, (2005), mentions a theory by Cotterville-Girandet that suggested Khat was known to ancient Egyptians. Kennedy (1983), also reports another account from an Arabic source which indicates that the plant was used for medicinal purposes as early as the beginning of the 11^th century in Turkistan Afghanistan. This report is by the Persian Physician Bin Ahmed Al-Biruni [973-1051 AD] in his book Kitab al-Saidana fi al-Tibb, an 11th century work on pharmacy and material-medica, (Krikorian, 1984) in which he mentions correspondence that he had with the famous Persian physician Ibn Sina or Avicenna, [980-1037 A.D.]. In one of his later manuscripts Al-Biruni, who was unfamiliar with Khat describes it as:

"a commodity from Turkestan. It is sour to taste and slenderly made in the manner of batan-alu. But qat is reddish with a slight blackish tinge. It is believed that batan-alu is red, coolant, relieves biliousness, and is a refrigerant for the stomach and the liver." (Hamarneh, 1972)

According to Krikorian (1984), d’Hericourt was the first European to mention the existence of Khat in his manuscripts on Arabia Felix (present day of Yemen) which cites ‘planting of Khat was introduced from Abyssinia into Yemen about 1424 by Sheikh Abou Zerbin’. In an entry of a book titled: “Strongest proofs in Favour of the Legitimacy of the Use of Coffee” which is translated by the French orientalist Baron Silvestre de Sacy, mentions that preparations made from the leaves of Khat was widely used as a beverage that was called cafta in Yemen well before Coffee was introduced by Ali. b Umar al Shadhali in 1418 (Krikorian 1984).

El Mahi, (1962) on the other hand suggests that ‘the current names of Coffee and Khat are etymologically derived from the place name ‘Kafa’ in Ethiopia where they flourished’. There has been also some debate as to the origin of the Khat plant. According to most researchers Khat is believed to originate in Ethiopia (Getahun and Krikorian, 1973) and was introduced to Yemen in 525 AD during the Ethiopian occupation (Al-Motarreb et al., 2002). There are few reliable historical accounts in literature. One of these is cited by Al-Hebshi, 2005 and refers to the mention of Khat in the chronicle of Christian King Amda Seyon I, who reigned in Abyssinia (present day Ethiopia) from 1314-1344.

Sir Richard Burton, who was the first European to enter the forbidden citadel of Harar (Ethiopia), wrote in his book ‘First Footsteps in East Africa’, that there is strong tradition in Yemen about the introduction of Khat from Ethiopia. Also in line with d’Hericourt earlier, Burton relates a tradition amongst Yemenis, that Khat was introduced by one Sheikh Ibrahim abu Zaharbui on his return from Harar (Ethiopia) about 1430, the same year that Sheikh al- Shadhali introduced coffee into Arabia.

Most of these early entries about Khat use were written in Arabic and they mainly focus on areas bordering the Red Sea, and relate to accounts documented up until mid 16^th century, before European travel to Southern Arabia began. The earliest monograph about the effects of Khat was that by Ibn Hajar al-Haytami (1504-1567) ‘The Authoritative Warning against the Use of Kafta and Kat’. A translation of his work by the Arabist Frans Rosenthal at Yale University was later reviewed by (Hes, 1971), and gives the description that some of the effects Al-Haytami attributed to Khat were worse than those of hashish (Cannabis).

Accounts of Khat use or its effect appears to have started to filter through slowly to the scholarly circles of Europe from 17^th century. Several historical publications point out that it was partly access to earlier colourful writings depicting Khat as an exotic and mysterious plant that could have been the catalyst to many of the early European expeditions to Yemen (Al Hebshi et al 2005).

Krikorian, 1984 gives an extensive detailed description of the history, ethnobotany and ethnopharmacology of Khat since the 11^th century. The earliest entry in the European literature about Khat use in Southern Arabia was the French orientalist Barthelemy d’Herbelot [1625-1695] who described three different beverages commonly used in the area. The first he called Cahuat al Catiat [a corruption of what is presumed to be kat coffee] or Caftah; the second Cahuat al Caschriat [kishr], a beverage from the mesocarp or husks of coffee fruit] and the third, Cahuat al Bunniat [bunn, coffee from the seed or beans]. Following these earlier accounts, Achille Richard [1811-1860], a Professor of Botany at the University of Paris; reassigned plants collected during his expedition to Tigre and Shoa regions of Ethiopia to the genus Catha and rejected Martin Vahl’s earlier  contention that the plant should be in the genus Celastrus (Krikorian, 1984). Paul Emile Botta [1829], a French botanist who was commissioned by the Natural History Museum of Paris to explore Yemen, was the next European to document and publish a detailed account (based on first hand experience) about use of Khat in Yemen as well as the methods of cultivation used to grow the plant.

In the late 19^th century interest had also been generating amongst scientist and pharmacists in Europe to sell Khat as a pharmaceutical preparation for use in various medical disorders. Krikorian (1984) also describes few short-lived enterprises in France before World War I that commercially exploited preparations of Catha but were faced with difficulty in obtaining regular supplies. In Britain similar ideas of using Khat as a basis for potent remedies foundered on supply problems.

In the early and mid twentieth century and during the British colonial era in Eastern Africa and Yemen the story of Khat use amongst the various societies in these regions became common knowledge; along with the various attempts to bringing ordinances to prohibit its widespread use (Carrier, 2005). In the latter part of the last century Khat use began and grew in countries in Europe and North America whereas its trade due to the advent of modern transportations made possible for it to be sold across contents.

Reference List

Al-Hebshi NN, Skaug N (2005) Khat (Catha edulis) - An updated review. Addiction Biology 10: 299-307

Al-Motarreb A, Baker K, Broadley KJ (2002) Khat: pharmacological and medical aspects and its social use in Yemen. Phytother Res 16: 403-413

Carrier N (2005) The need for speed: Contrasting timeframes in the social life of Kenyan miraa. Africa 75: 539-558

El Mahi: Khat a dream drug or a dope .Hamdard Med. Dig: 1963; 7: 38-41.

Getahun A, Krikorian AD (1973) Chat: Coffee's rival from Harar, Ethiopia. I. Botany, cultivation and use. Economic Botany 27: 353-377

Hamarneh S (1972) Pharmacy in medieval Islam and the history of drug addiction. Medical History 16: 226-237

Hes JP (1971) Some historical remarks on Catha edulis forsk. Korot 5: 661-668

Kennedy JG, Teague J, Rokaw W, Cooney E (1983) A medical evaluation of the use of qat in North Yemen. Social Science and Medicine 17: 783-793

Krikorian AD (1984) Kat and its use: an historical perspective. J Ethnopharmacol 12: 115-178

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A brief about Khat (Qat or Qaat)

“O, thou blessed that contain no demon, but a fairy!. When I follow thee thou takest me into regions overlooking Paradise. My sorrows are nothing. My rags are become as robes of silk. My feet are shod, not worn and bleeding. I lift up my head - O Flower of Paradise! O Flower of Paradise” Old Arabian Song From the book: The best stories of Theodore Dreiser (1918).

Khat, [Catha edulis (Vahl.) Forssk. ex. Endl. (Celastraceae)] is shrub or tree that grows wild or often cultivated in the east of a region extending from southern Africa to the Arabian Peninsula. In central Asia the Khat plant largely grows in the wild and its distribution is seen to extend as far as Afghanistan and Turkistan (Krikorian 1984)

Fresh leaves and young shoots of Khat are chewed in social gatherings for their stimulating and mood altering effects. Also in its dried form khat leaves can be brewed in tea although with a lesser potency. Khat-chewing is a popular pastime activity in much of East and Horn of Africa (Kenya, Ethiopia, and Somali) and Yemen on the Arabian Peninsula. The chewing of Khat has a deep-rooted cultural tradition in Yemen and Ethiopia but also it is customary practice in neighbouring Somalia, Djibouti and Kenya. Khat is often chewed in company in public meeting places called ‘Mafrishes’or in designated private rooms. The most common features of the Khat experience are described as ability to concentrate, increased levels of alertness, confidence, contentment and blissful state of mind, flow of ideas and clarity of thought.

As Khat is used in its natural form without processing, it is almost exclusively desired to be used fresh for an optimum stimulating effect. It is usually not considered acceptable if harvested more than 4 days before use. For such reasons Khat consumption in the past was limited to areas close to where it grew because the leaves and soft shoots which are the part used in the plant lose their potency within this short time. This is because fresh khat leaves contain a substance called cathinone which is the main and most potent compounds amongst the vareity of its constituent compounds including alkaloids, tannins, flavanoids, minerals and essential oils. In the USA cathinone is a Schedule I drug under the Controlled Substances Act; however, the leaves typically begin to deteriorate after 48 hours, causing the chemical composition of the plant to break down. Once this occurs, the leaves contain cathine, a Schedule IV drug. Fresh khat leaves are glossy and crimson-brown in color, resembling withered basil. Deteriorating khat leaves are leathery and turn yellow-green in color.

Before 1960's Khat was not well known or available anywhere else beyond the geographical areas in which it's cultivated, so habitual Khat use was not something seen beyond these regions .However, in recent years the advent of a rapid air transport network and distribution facilities have made Khat to be available across continents in distant places in Europe and America date. Several million people are estimated to be frequent users of khat in the world today, while its consumption is not only increasing but also rapidly spreading across continent in Europe, Australia , USA and Canada. Following the migration patterns in the last two decades of communities originating war-torn areas of Horn of Africa Khat has become a widely available commodity in the West.

Communities originating from geographical Khat cultivating areas are predominantly Muslim in culture and Khat is the drug of choice in place of alcohol which is forbidden in their religion. However although the use of Khat is not proscribed in the Quran there are schools of thought promoted by religious dictates which regard Khat as mind altering substance that should be prohibited like any other drug. Indeed, in some Islamic countries like Saudi Arabia and most of the neighbouring Gulf states Khat is banned on religious grounds and carries heavy jailed sentences for possession.

However there are variations in cultural attitudes towards usage even amongst the two major Khat consumer societies; the Somalis and the Yemenis. Khat use is culturally sanctioned and common practice in these societies. There are also other nuances in some of the modalities and patterns and tradition of Khat consumption between the countries and societies that use Khat. In all of these societies the use of Khat had been evolving over the years and centuries along with the dynamics in societal psychosocial changes. For instance, for the Yemenis, Khat consumption has cultural dimension and is deeply rooted tradition. A recent large survey of 2500 people conducted in Yemen estimated current adult users at 61.1% of total population. In comparison for Somalis on the other hand, habitual Khat use is fairly new a practice that has only been developed as much a rapid cultural phenomena. It has grown out of urban communities in seventies and later in the civil war decades in nineties it spiraled into deviant patterns of misuse.